The stock market will be focused on Fed Chair Powell's talk at the Jackson Hole Conference this week, looking to see whether he indicates a rate cut at the September FOMC Meeting is likely. The Fed often has used this Conference to signal shifts in policy.
The US economic data released since the July FOMC Meeting, however, has not been fully supportive of a rate cut. The labor market has weakened a bit, seen by slightly higher Initial and Continuing Claims so far in August than in July. While the large downward revisions in May-June Nonfarm Payrolls and modest increase in July painted a weaker picture of the labor market than did earlier data, the important Unemployment Rate remained in its low range. Moreover, inflation has picked up, only in part a result of tariffs. If Powell shifts away from a "wait and see" policy approach toward an easing, he probably will have had to canvass other FOMC members informally beforehand. Keeping the "wait and see" approach while leaving open the door for an easing may be the most likely message in his speech. Stocks may be disappointed with it, but any selling would probably be short-lived.
Besides Fed policy, measurement of BLS Nonfarm Payroll data and the question of tariffs should continue to be a market focus. Here are some thoughts regarding these issues:
Accuracy Versus Timeliness in Payroll Report
Trump and his candidate to head the Bureau of Labor Statistics (BLS), E.J. Atoni, complain about the inaccuracy of the Nonfarm Payroll data. There are two reasons why the Payroll data get revised each month. First, BLS receives more survey responses after the first release. Typically, about 2/3 of respondents file in time for the first Payroll release. About 90% of respondents have filed by the time of the second revision. Second, the seasonal adjustment process spreads some of the strength or weakness of the current month's Payroll data over the prior two months. Their complaint focuses on the first reason.
Besides the monthly revisions, there is an annual benchmark revision. The latter matches the level of March Payrolls in the latest year with the level measured by Unemployment Insurance data, which is not subject to sample error. BLS will release an estimate of the benchmark revision to March 2025 on September 9.
The trade-off between accuracy and timeliness in the Nonfarm Payroll data centers on whether a high degree of accuracy is more or less important than the usefulness of a timely print. The US had decided that usefulness is more important, hoping that the estimation procedures to fill in for missing respondents will succeed for the most part in producing a near-accurate total. The degree of success that it has had is debatable The absolute average revision from the first to third print is 57k between 1979 and 2003 and 51k between 2003 and 2025. In other words, a 100k first-print Payroll m/m increase, will likely end up about 50k or 150k after the two monthly revisions. This could be important. There has been more than one episode when Fed monetary policy would have differed if revised Payroll data had been the first print.
Trump's candidate is reported to have argued for the Payroll data to be released quarterly, presumably at the end of the subsequent quarter in order to get most of the responses for the third month of the prior quarter. Doing so will likely make other labor market data more important for the markets and Fed. These include the ADP Estimate and Unemployment Claims. The latter is a universal count and not subject to sample error. The BLS Household Survey presumably would remain monthly, since the data coming out of it, particularly the Unemployment Rate, is not revised. Knowing the Unemployment Rate might be enough, since it would show (by decreasing or increasing) whether Payrolls are rising above or below trend.
Other US economic data could be difficult to measure without the monthly Payroll (and Average Hourly Earnings) data. Labor Compensation in Personal Income is based on these data.
Trump's Tariff Policy And Causes Of Trade Deficit
Trump's tariff policy aims to shift production back to the US from abroad. This shift will reduce the standard of living of the US, since it results in the loss of low-cost labor. Domestic production is more costly than foreign production, otherwise domestic production always would have been dominant.
Trump and others argue that foreign production is less costly because governments offer subsidies and hold down the value of the currency relative to the dollar. The latter makes their exports cheaper in dollar terms, resulting in an on-going large trade deficit. China is the main actor along these lines.
There are others who argue that foreign governments are not the culprits behind the large US trade deficit. Instead, it is insufficient saving or over-consumption in the US. This explanation carries a moral undertone, criticizing US behavior as spendthrift. It implies that the US takes advantage of the global status of its currency to over-consume by running a perpetual trade deficit (perhaps underscored by the "strong dollar" policy of past Administrations).
They base this argument on the national income identity that Domestic Saving equals Net Exports. Negative Domestic Saving is associated with a Trade Deficit. The Federal Fiscal Deficit is the main culprit of negative saving in the US. If this is the real reason for the trade deficit (rather than the consequence of the actions of foreign governments), then Trump's tariffs are a clever way to solve the problem. They increase US government revenue, regardless of who pays it, which increases national saving by reducing the Federal deficit. And, they target and reduce the consumption of the goods (imports) that allow the US to over-consume.